Konstantopoulos has contended that the jail may use a smaller percentage from the general fund than most jails in the state, but that doesn't equate to efficiency.
In fact, 89 other counties are operated more efficiently, which he defines as the jail paying for as many expenditures with its own revenue, instead of the general fund. The definition for efficiency was not, however, provided within the auditor's report, he explained.
When asked about this interpretation, Stone retorted, "He's totally wrong," and that his opponent "needs to find out his records on things" before he talks.
"He's not mature enough to do this job," he said.
The first time the jail pulled money from the general fund was in 2003, when approximately $300,000 was used. The next year was approximately $400,000, and the year after that was $500,000, he said.
He did not address Konstantopoulos' concerns about the use of "efficiency" to describe the jail's management, though Stone did say at the candidate's forum on Oct. 3 that the jail was one of the most efficient in the state.
Konstantopoulos said the jail's funding was his main reason for running.
"When I saw (the deficit), and I saw that my tax money was being used for people that decided to break the law as opposed to the hardworking taxpayers of this community, that's what gave me the initiative to run," he said. Being much younger was "very crucial" because the jail needs change, and that's easier for a younger person as opposed to "someone who's done the same thing for 20-30 years," he said.
Stone said that he didn't think his age would be any problem, pointing out that Ronald Reagan became president for the first time in his early 70s.
"I'm sure I know a whole lot more than (Konstantopoulos) does," he said.
Konstantopoulos mentioned three ways to increase revenue: increase the booking fee from $25 to the maximum of $40, impose housing fees that would charge the inmates for each day in jail, and to make inmates do trash collection for the state.
When asked what response he would have that such fees could create a "debtor's prison," he admitted it would be "virtually impossible" to collect everything. He suggested that, as opposed to older times when such fees created mounting debts for already poor inmates, the jailer would have to "re-amp" the fees.
"You're going to have to really pick and choose on how far to take it to collect it," he said. In some instances the jail can garnish wages, he noted. He said the jail needs an officer to handle booking fees and that same officer would collect housing fees. The maximum allowable housing fee is $40 a day.
Stone responded that his opponent "doesn't know what he's talking about," because if the jail can't collect $25 from an inmate, it can't collect $40. When the judge says to release them, the jail can't keep them for unpaid fees. Probably 60 percent of the booking fees are collected, he added.
In response to the suggestion of housing fees, Stone reiterated that his opponent is immature, adding "it sounds good to some people, but in reality it's not going to work, you can't do it."
Stone added that the jail has done some things to increase revenue, including issuing bonds, which is normally the task of the circuit clerk. But it's easier for the jail because then the clerk doesn't have to have someone on-call for bonds, and the jail gets $10 per bond.
The jail also kept juveniles for 10 years, then being the only jail in the state to do so, because it made money, and the jail also houses as many state inmates and inmates from other counties as possible, he said. They also try to use home incarceration whenever possible, saving food costs and bringing in revenue: $100 for a hookup fee to the jail, and $80 per week for monitoring, $5 of which goes directly to the jail.
Another source of revenue is the commissary fund, which comes from an in-house store where inmates can buy cigarettes, soda, clothing and hygiene items. This fund is supposed to go to the recreation and welfare of the inmates, and is primarily used for medical costs, Stone said.